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- The Counterpublic Papers vol. 8 no. 4
The Counterpublic Papers vol. 8 no. 4
On Tuesday, Dec. 5, presidents from Harvard (Claudine Gay), MIT (Sally Kornbluth), and the University of Pennsylvania (Elizabeth Magill) appeared before the Republican led House Committee on Education and the Workforce to give testimony about rising antisemitism on campus and the circumstances under which their own speech codes allowed antisemitism to rise unchecked. In her questioning Rep. Elise Stefanik asked the presidents in turn whether calling for the genocide of Jews would violate the respective university’s codes of conduct. Each president responded in turn that the answer was context specific. The following Saturday Magill resigned. The following Wednesday, the House passed a resolution condemning the testimony.
The university has been ground zero for the culture wars for decades. My first year at Michigan coincides with the first year the university created a speech code (or maybe it's a year later)—and the two aren’t coincidentally related as both my own attendance at the university and the speech code are byproducts of anti-racist protest. But if we aren’t careful we can miss some of the other important moving parts.
So one of the more important aspects of the neoliberal turn is the way its transformed higher education. We see students and their parents increasingly bearing responsibility for college tuition with merit based scholarships largely replacing grants. Here we see the concept of “human capital” at work—by placing responsibility on parents rather than the state, we create the incentive for parents to help develop their children’s capacities, inculcating in them a certain moral responsibility for their children’s development. If you know that you’re going to want to send your child to a prominent state university, you’re going to want to do a few different things. You’re going to want to spend the resources helping develop that child’s capacity to read and study independently, you’re going to want to spend the resources helping to cultivate and develop any talent that child has, and you’re going to want to spend your resources making sure to take full advantage of the summers through summer camps and enrichment programs.
Part of the shift from scholarship to grants comes from the federal government. But a big chunk of it comes from states themselves. And over the better part of over forty years, states have significantly reduced their per student appropriations. From a 2015 report on declining state expenditures:
After adjusting for inflation, state appropriations per student were 18 percent lower in 2013-14 than they were thirty years earlier, and 29 percent lower than their peak in 1988-89. Over the past decade, state funding per student declined by 14 percent.
In contrast, institutional expenditures per student rose by a total of 6 percent at public doctoral universities over this ten-year period, and by 3 percent at public master’s universities. Community colleges spend 7 percent less per student in inflation-adjusted dollars than they did a decade ago. So there has not been a rapid rise in spending on public college campuses that could be the primary driver of tuition increases.
It is not rising expenditures, but declining state revenues that account for most of the pressure on state institutions to raise tuition. (Declining State Expenditures on Public Universities are in fact driving tuition increases)
The effect of placing more responsibility on parents and students for college tuition is to make public universities less accessible, and then to make those universities themselves more vulnerable to two dynamics.
They become more vulnerable to state legislative attempts to shape college functions. And over the past several years we’ve seen state legislatures seek to curtail tenure. In 2016 the Wisconsin state legislature approved the elimination of tenure from state statute. Florida Governor Ron DeSantis campaigned on ending Florida’s tenure system and in 2022 Florida’s senate passed a law requiring university faculty to undergo reviews every five years. In North Carolina several similar attempts died on the vine, however early in the year the board of trustees of its flagship university passed a resolution calling for the development of a School of Civic Life and Leadership. Of this resolution William Sturkey noted:
Though camouflaged in reasonable language, the true intent of the resolution was revealed soon after its passage. Aided by a public relations firm, the BOT launched a media campaign to score cheap political points with conservative pundits. The Wall Street Journal just so happened to have a supportive op-ed ready to publish within hours of the meeting. A day later, Board of Trustee Chair David Boliek appeared on Fox News assuring viewers, “this is all about balance.” “We have no shortage of left-of-center, progressive views on our campus.” “The same really can’t be said about right-of-center views, so this is an effort to try to remedy that.” (UNC trustees misfire)
While Sturkey also noted in his commentary that the school’s faculty was hidden, that is no longer the case.
They also become more vulnerable to private attempts to shape college functions. And while schools like MIT, Harvard, and Penn (with a combined endowment of $95 billion) are not subject to state legislatures the way public universities are, they are subject to private donors. Against North Carolina’s School of Civic Life, we can put my university’s own Agora Institute (technically the Stavros Niarchos Foundation Agora Institute) and its recently announced School of Government and Policy (housed in the former Newseum).
Coming back to the House Committee hearing, I noted that Penn President Elizabeth Magill stepped down. She did so after a number of donors either threatened to stop donating to the university, or did so. After similar calls for both MIT and Harvard’s president (whom I’ve known for years) to step down both university’s boards expressed support for them (MIT’s statement, Harvard’s statement).
But note the case of Bill Ackman (the link may be blocked by an NYT paywall). The first (and key) paragraphs:
In the two-month battle over the fate of Harvard’s president, the billionaire investor William A. Ackman has cast himself as a protector of Jewish students and the standard-bearer for people who believe colleges have fostered a hostile atmosphere for critics of liberal orthodoxy.
But behind his anger are personal grievances that predate the uproar that has engulfed campuses since the Oct. 7 attack by Hamas on Israel and Israel’s subsequent invasion of Gaza. Mr. Ackman, by his own admission and according to others around him, resents that officials at his alma mater, to which he’s donated tens of millions of dollars, and its president, Claudine Gay, have not heeded his advice on a variety of topics.
Most recently, this includes how to respond to complaints of antisemitism and the specter of violence against supporters of Israel on campus.
“It would have been smart for her to listen, or to at least pick up the phone,” Mr. Ackman said in an interview, describing a recent outreach to Dr. Gay that was part of a stream of calls, texts and letters to university officials.
It would’ve been smart for her to listen or at least pick up the phone.
Several years ago (in January 2016) I noted the following:
…what we’re looking at with all of this—with Trump, with Brexit, with the Freddie Gray prosecutions, with anti-immigrant sentiment, with rising anti-developer sentiment, is the beginning of the beginning. Trump won’t get elected, but the tendency he represents will likely grow…particularly in rural areas. The police officers in the Freddie Gray case will likely go free, but pressure on officials to transform police departments will increase. Bernie Sanders won’t be our next president, but the tendency he represents will likely grow…particularly in metropolitan areas.
Strap your seat belts on. Even if we end up in cars navigated by Google we’re going to need them.
I was obviously wrong about Trump’s election chances. But I wasn’t wrong about where we were. We’re past the beginning of the beginning, and the university is and will continue to be one of the central sites of contestation.
In either the next issue or the one after that, I’ll continue this line of thinking. Over the past few years I’ve been involved in an attempt to transform political science through transforming the way the discipline tackles racial politics. While this project has obvious domestic implications, I think the current conflict in the Middle East points to the international implications of such a project.
(As an aside, as a result of a tinyletter glitch these issues are a bit off schedule-wise. You received the last issue somewhere around Dec. 17 or so, when I wrote it a week earlier. But as a result of this glitch I’m able to briefly address the new criticisms over Gay’s record. I’ll begin by stating that I know Gay, and have known her since she’d first started applying for jobs—the world of political science is pretty small. As far as publishing in top-tier journals goes she may be one of the best of our generation. I think if you ran the work of every tenured political scientist through an AI scan, you’d likely find passages that weren’t appropriately cited, and I’m including myself here. In fact, I’d extend this claim to include social scientists and humanities scholars in general. We generally work alone, we don’t run our own labs, and our methods of capturing citations and quotes are good enough to capture the important work—the work that shows our ideas are our ideas. But likely not good enough to capture and acknowledge every quote. Gay isn’t guilty of anything more than the equivalent of crossing the street during a green light. This is about creating the conditions to further delegitimize the liberal university, and the populations associated with it. It isn’t a coincidence the presidents they call to the stand are women. It isn’t a coincidence that when Gay doesn’t step down, they wield this particular attack. And I expect that this attack will be followed by others.)